I was born on August 14, 1963 in Chisinau. My mother, Valentina Georgiyevna, worked as the nurse, the father, Alexey Aleksandrovich was a journalist, the editor-in-chief of the newspapers "Tinerimya Moldovey", "Evening Chisinau", "Kuvyntul", the chairman of Coordination council on television and radio.
Having left the Chisinau secondary school of N33 in 1980, I have decided to go in the footsteps of the father, have studied two years at faculty of journalism of the Chisinau state university then I was transferred to the international office of Moscow State University from which I have graduated in 1985. The last semester has lived in Bucharest where it wrote the thesis and listened to lectures at university.
Since then more than 30 years I work in the press, in Soviet period in the agencies of ATEM/TASS, NPA/RIA, after the collapse of the USSR — the founder and the deputy director of the Infotag agency, the founder and the editor-in-chief of the newspapers "Respublika", "Moldavskiye vedomosti", "Panorama". I wrote more than 10 years about Moldova for the Reuters agency.
I know everything about the Moldavian policy. Till 2009 I watched and I wrote about her as the journalist, but that year according to the proposal of the chairman of Liberal democratic party Vlad Filat stood according to lists of the PLDM for parliament on elections on July 29. I didn't seek to become a deputy, in the pre-election list to me the 25th place has been defined that initially saved me from need to go to parliament. I had motives absolutely others and who remembers the atmosphere of the first half of 2009, that will understand me. By then Vladimir Voronin really has got all, and against him the most different forces have united. All wanted changes, and it meant Voronin's discharge from the power as today changes mean discharge from Vladimir Plakhotnyuk's power.
In 2009 Filat was a young politician and made an impression of the decent person. The PLDM was the main opposition force, and I have decided to make in such a way the modest contribution to Voronin's overthrow. And it has turned out. When today someone says that Plakhotnyuk sits very tight and to knock over him there is no opportunity, let's remember that they in the same way spoke also about Voronin.
Elections took place on July 29, 2009 after elections on April 5 concerning which there was a general belief that they were forged and stolen, as provoked mass riots on April 7. It is possible to understand why those events weren't investigated by the power which succeeded Voronin, but why it wasn't made by Voronin though he had such opportunity, unclear.
When Voronin came to the power in 2001, he had constitutional majority and all opportunities to serve the country and the people. By 2009 it lost all this, having left behind Mihai Ghimpu in a chair of the acting president and Plakhotnyuk as main "reshalshchik".
In 2001 to me submitted the proposal to become his press secretary from Voronin. I refused. The newspaper which I then directed "The Moldavian sheets", in the mode of non-feet terrorized legal claims and checks. In 2010 I received the official letter from prosecutor's office that in case of Voronin my mobile phone was illegally wiretapped, but nobody was punished for it because voroninsky police officers, sibovets and prosecutors safely passed to service new, "democratic and pro-European" the authorities, and many went for increase and hold the leading posts in law enforcement agencies today.
The history which happened to us in August, 2008 eloquently speaks about customs of those times. To Chisinau there arrived the wife's parents who asked us to take them in Hotin where once there lived the father-in-law and his mother. We left in the morning, and in Balti at gas station our machine was blocked by two crews of police, pulled out me on the street and forced to go with them, having reported that kilometers for 30 before, in Synzhereysky district, I as if provoked road accident. On a roadside between the villages of Prepelitsa and Kopechen there was some machine and two gangster types of type which claimed that I allegedly incorrectly overtook some truck which already left, and their machine which met halfway was nearly forced to fly via this truck in a ditch on the other side of the road. All this was allegedly seen by some driver, but he, as well as the driver of the truck, too somewhere left, and they are looked for. I was brought to a commissariat of police Syndzherey where carried out the alcohol test, constituted the protocol and selected the rights. The press service of the Interior Minister Valentin Mezhinsky promised to specify in what case, but then ceased to answer calls. In a management of the area told that it "some Chisinau subject". All this time, hour three, dumbfounded relatives stood on the street on the suburb of Balti. We went further, but at entry into Edintsy we were met by the whole colonel who declared that the machine is wanted, forced us to go to a commissariat, and kept hour there. The same repeated in Brichanakh. When by the evening we drove up to the Ukrainian border, frontier guards declared to us that the machine can't leave Moldova because it in search. Having kept an hour more, we were issued nevertheless abroad. Upon return to Chisinau we were forced to write explanatory in republican autopolice again, and in several days her chief returned me the rights, having declared that "the facts didn't prove to be true". When I told this story to the familiar veteran of law-enforcement bodies, he whether for fun, whether seriously told "Rejoice that on a roadside any corpse didn't roll".
It was mini-special operation with attraction of wiretap, an outdoor advertizing, central office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, three commissariats and boundary police, and all with one purpose — to spoil on me and to frighten relatives. It, of course, was the real trifle in comparison with arrests and landings of other people to whom Voronin took a dislike, but mean methods of their work were such.
Then and in a bad dream could dream nobody what extent of degradation will be reached by Filat because of the greed, cowardice and just dullness which is confirmed at least by the fact that Filat with Voronin for two had 74 deputies from 101, but Plakhotnyuk, with his 15 mandates, destroyed them separately. The most terrible that Filat made — he not just deceived, he betrayed the whole generation of youth which then believed the PLDM, and today damns both this batch, and her former leader.
After take-off and Filat's fall I forever understood for myself a simple thing: not to be disappointed in politicians, it isn't necessary to be fascinated by them. What and all of you I call for.
Participation in elections according to lists of the Humanistic batch of Valery Pasat became on November 28, 2010 my second experience of "circulation in deputies". Our newspaper and I personally wrote about criminal procedure much against Pasat who was illegally arrested and condemned on fabricated accusation in sale of planes MiG-29 to the U.S. Government. After release, in 2010 Pasat took the initiative to hold a referendum on teaching the subject "Fundamentals of Orthodoxy" at schools. This initiative was derailed by the power of that time, not least at the suggestion of Filat whom, as well as many others, this idea just enraged. But the initiative in itself was very correct and if someone offers today something similar again, I is final, I will support it again.
Voronin's "successor" distributed to Gimp sacks the state awards, having completely profaned their value. In 2009 he awarded the order directly to 12 journalists the highest the Republics. In that group there were also I. What I told to Gimp, it was the attempt to corrupt journalists. I from the very beginning felt awkwardly in connection with receipt of this award, but all said around that "awards don't ask, don't carry, and don't refuse them". Then to Gimp awarded the order same to all Romanian patriarchs, including those who died hundred years ago. But when it gave the Award of the Republic and to the president of Georgia Mikheil Saakashvili, I didn't sustain, declared refusal of an award and sent it a custom parcel post from Glavpochtampt to Presidential Administration. To this day some reproach me with it supposedly lost "privileges" in the form of the allowance in 500 lei to pension and a reservation on Armyansk the cemetery, but I lightened: easily came — easily left.
On November 25, 2014 my mother was killed in the apartment. It happened some days before elections when excluded a batch of Patriya from a race, and one billion was removed from banks in offshores. For the second day the head of the Moldavian police of that time declared that this household crime which isn't connected with my professional activity in any way. From where he learned it, not clearly. During the investigation I even was never interrogated. Trial in which I am involved as the legal successor of party injured, strongly dragged on. Criminal case looks fabricated and in the eyes collapses in court. Having personally faced police and public prosecutor's and judicial system, I was convinced how there everything degraded. Veterans of law enforcement agencies remember that in Soviet period in Chisinau one murder a month was committed, it was state of emergency of all-Union scale, and these crimes were solved. Today in Moldova each two days kill one person, and it became a routine. Technically the police is equipped extremely poorly, at us analyses of DNA don't even become and can't qualitatively finger-print. But political investigation concerning opposition is very well developed.
In July of this year if precisely, it was two o'clock in the morning from the 23rd for July 24th, Renato Usaty asked if I agree to run for president from "our Batch". Having thought several days, I agreed. On August 31, 2016 the batch officially proposed my candidacy for president.
How I assess a situation in Moldova and that I suggest to make, I wrote in the article "We Will Win and We Will Save Moldova from Plakhotnyuk's Regime". I will add several words about why in general I accepted the offer of "our Batch".
First, I am really convinced that without disposal of Moldova of Plakhotnyuk the country has no future. If I saw that someone goes on elections with very tough message against Plakhotnyuk, and is ready to perform really it, I would refrain, but I don't see such countercandidate. With Plakhotnyuk I never in life saw each other. A few years ago the person close to it contacted me through the mutual friend and suggested to take the newspaper on complete content. The offer proceeded from Plakhotnyuk. I refused.
Secondly, the candidate of "our Batch" – one of two electoral competitors who apply approximately for a half of all votes so, has real chances to succeed to the second round and to win.
Thirdly, I see a role of the president that he shall just perform a certain function – to dismiss parliament and to clear away a way to early elections. To become a tip of a spear which will punch a deadly gap in a chain armor rotten in Plakhotnyuk's regime. To act as the catalyst of changes. Nothing personal if, of course, not to consider that desire to live in the normal state.
And in conclusion two words about a family. We with the spouse Svetlana are married 31 years. We have a daughter Yulia, the grandson Egor who went on September 1 to the first class, and the one-year-old granddaughter Sasha.